Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 6.19-32


Thucydides, Book 6, 19-32

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19.Alcibiades spoke such things. And the Athenians, having heard both that man and the Egestaeans and the Leontinan exiles who, coming before them, both begged them and, reminding them of their oaths, implored them to help them, were much more eager than before to make the expedition. [2] And Nicias, recognising that he would no longer dissuade them with the same speeches, but that he might change their mind with the size of the armament, if he should order a great one, came forward and again spoke to them as follows.

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ἐπειδὴ πάντως ὁρῶ ὑμᾶς, Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡρμημένους στρατεύειν, ξυνενέγκοι μὲν ταῦτα ὡς βουλόμεθα, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ παρόντι γιγνώσκω σημανῶ. [2] ἐπὶ γὰρ πόλεις, ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκοῇ αἰσθάνομαι, μέλλομεν ἰέναι μεγάλας καὶ οὔθ᾽ ὑπηκόους ἀλλήλων οὔτε δεομένας μεταβολῆς, ἂν ἐκ βιαίου τις δουλείας ἄσμενος ἐς ῥᾴω μετάστασιν χωροίη, οὐδ᾽ ἂν τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἡμετέραν εἰκότως ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθερίας προσδεξαμένας, τό τε πλῆθος ὡς ἐν μιᾷ νήσῳ πολλὰς τὰς Ἑλληνίδας. [3] πλὴν γὰρ Νάξου καὶ Κατάνης, ἃς ἐλπίζω ἡμῖν κατὰ τὸ Λεοντίνων ξυγγενὲς προσέσεσθαι, ἄλλαι εἰσὶν ἑπτά, καὶ παρεσκευασμέναι τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμοιοτρόπως μάλιστα τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ δυνάμει, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ ἃς μᾶλλον πλέομεν, Σελινοῦς καὶ Συράκουσαι. [4] πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ὁπλῖται ἔνεισι καὶ τοξόται καὶ ἀκοντισταί, πολλαὶ δὲ τριήρεις καὶ ὄχλος πληρώσων αὐτάς. χρήματά τ᾽ ἔχουσι τὰ μὲν ἴδια, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐστὶ Σελινουντίοις, Συρακοσίοις δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ βαρβάρων τινῶν ἀπαρχὴ ἐσφέρεται: δὲ μάλιστα ἡμῶν προύχουσιν, ἵππους τε πολλοὺς κέκτηνται καὶ σίτῳ οἰκείῳ καὶ οὐκ ἐπακτῷ χρῶνται.

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20.
‘Since I see that you, Athenians, are entirely eager to make this expedition, may these things turn out as we want, but in the present moment I will reveal what I am thinking. [2] For we are intending to go against cities, as I myself have heard from hearsay, which are great and neither subject to each other nor needing a change by which someone might gladly come from a violent slavery to an easier constitution, nor would they likely accept our rule in place of freedom; and as concerns numbers, [there are] many Hellenic cities for one island. [3] For, except for Naxos and Katane, which I expect will join with us owing to their kinship with Leontini, there are seven others, prepared in all ways in a particularly similar manner to our own power, and not least those against which we are sailing in particular, Selinous and Syracuse. For there are many hoplites in them, and archers and javelin-throwers, and many triremes and a mob to fill them. And they have money, some is private, the Selinuntines have some also in their temples, and the tribute is brought in to the Syracusans as well from some barbarian peoples. And – the ways in which they particularly surpass us – they both possess many horses, and they eat home-grown corn and not imported.

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‘πρὸς οὖν τοιαύτην δύναμιν οὐ ναυτικῆς καὶ φαύλου στρατιᾶς μόνον δεῖ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πεζὸν πολὺν ξυμπλεῖν, εἴπερ βουλόμεθα ἄξιον τῆς διανοίας δρᾶν καὶ μὴ ὑπὸ ἱππέων πολλῶν εἴργεσθαι τῆς γῆς, ἄλλως τε καὶ εἰ ξυστῶσιν αἱ πόλεις φοβηθεῖσαι καὶ μὴ ἀντιπαράσχωσιν ἡμῖν φίλοι τινὲς γενόμενοι ἄλλοι Ἐγεσταῖοι ἀμυνούμεθα ἱππικόν [2] (αἰσχρὸν δὲ βιασθέντας ἀπελθεῖν ὕστερον ἐπιμεταπέμπεσθαι, τὸ πρῶτον ἀσκέπτως βουλευσαμένους): αὐτόθεν δὲ παρασκευῇ ἀξιόχρεῳ ἐπιέναι, γνόντας ὅτι πολύ τε ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας αὐτῶν μέλλομεν πλεῖν καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ στρατευσόμενοι καὶ ὅτε ἐν τοῖς τῇδε ὑπηκόοις ξύμμαχοι ἤλθετε ἐπί τινα, ὅθεν ῥᾴδιαι αἱ κομιδαὶ ἐκ τῆς φιλίας ὧν προσέδει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ἀλλοτρίαν πᾶσαν ἀπαρτήσοντες, ἐξ ἧς μηνῶν οὐδὲ τεσσάρων τῶν χειμερινῶν ἄγγελον ῥᾴδιον ἐλθεῖν.

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21.
‘And so against such a power there is need not only of a naval and common army, but also it is necessary for a great infantry force to sail with us, if we want to do anything worthy of our intention and [if we want] not to be kept away from the land by their numerous cavalry, especially if the cities band together in fear and some of our friends, other than the Egestaeans, do not supply us in turn with a cavalry force with which we will defend ourselves, [2] (and it will be shameful to be compelled to leave or to send for reinforcements later, since we planned badly at first); and [it is necessary] to start with a worthy armament, knowing that we are about to sail far from our own land and not to campaign in the same way as when you have gone as allies among your subjects here against some place, from where conveyance of supplies of what there has still been need has been easy from a friendly land, but as people going against a completely foreign land, from which not even a messenger can easily come during the four winter months.

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ὁπλίτας τε οὖν πολλούς μοι δοκεῖ χρῆναι ἡμᾶς ἄγειν, καὶ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων, τῶν τε ὑπηκόων καὶ ἤν τινα ἐκ Πελοποννήσου δυνώμεθα πεῖσαι μισθῷ προσαγαγέσθαι, καὶ τοξότας πολλοὺς καὶ σφενδονήτας, ὅπως πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνων ἱππικὸν ἀντέχωσι, ναυσί τε καὶ πολὺ περιεῖναι, ἵνα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ῥᾷον ἐσκομιζώμεθα, τὸν δὲ καὶ αὐτόθεν σῖτον ἐν ὁλκάσι πυροὺς καὶ πεφρυγμένας κριθάς ἄγειν,καὶ σιτοποιοὺς ἐκ τῶν μυλώνων πρὸς μέρος ἠναγκασμένους ἐμμίσθους, ἵνα, ἤν που ὑπὸ ἀπλοίας ἀπολαμβανώμεθα, ἔχῃ στρατιὰ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια (πολλὴ γὰρ οὖσα οὐ πάσης ἔσται πόλεως ὑποδέξασθαι), τά τε ἄλλα ὅσον δυνατὸν ἑτοιμάσασθαι, καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ ἑτέροις γίγνεσθαι, μάλιστα δὲ χρήματα αὐτόθεν ὡς πλεῖστα ἔχειν. τὰ δὲ παρ᾽ Ἐγεσταίων, λέγεται ἐκεῖ ἑτοῖμα, νομίσατε καὶ λόγῳ ἂν μάλιστα ἑτοῖμα εἶναι.

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22.
‘It therefore seems to me that we must take both many hoplites, both of our own and those of our allies, as well as from our subjects and if we are able either to persuade or to induce with money some [to come] from the Peloponnese, and many archers and slingers, so that they can withstand the cavalry force of those men, and [it is necessary] to greatly surpass them in ships as well, so that we may also more easily bring in supplies, and also to take food from here in merchantmen – wheat and roasted barley, and bakers compulsorily hired from the mills in proportion, so that, if we are cut off somewhere by it being impossible to sail, the army may have supplies (for, since we will be great in size, it will not be possible for every city to receive us), and [it is necessary] to make ready everything else as far as possible, and not to be dependent on others, and in particularly to have as much money as possible from here. And as for the money held by the Egestaeans, which is said to be ready there, consider it to be mostly ready actually in speech alone.

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‘For if we ourselves go from here, having prepared not only an equal force –except at any rate for their fighting force, their hoplites – but also surpassing them in all respects, we will thus [only] with difficulty be able to conquer some things [the Syracusans], and preserve others [ourselves] as well. [2] And it is necessary to think that among foreign and hostile peoples these men are going to found a city, for whom it is fitting on the first day on which they land immediately to subdue the open country or to know that, if they fail, that they will have everything against them. [3] Fearing this thing and knowing that it is necessary for us to plan many things well and that [it is] still more [necessary] for us to be lucky (a difficult thing for men), I wish to sail out having surrendered myself as little as possible to fate, and to sail out with a force [which] according to probability [will make me] safe. For I consider these things to be most secure for the whole city and to deliver safety to those of us making the expedition. And if it seems otherwise to someone else, I give up to him my command.’

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μὲν Νικίας τοσαῦτα εἶπε νομίζων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τῷ πλήθει τῶν πραγμάτων ἀποτρέψειν ἤ, εἰ ἀναγκάζοιτο στρατεύεσθαι, μάλιστ᾽ <ἂν> οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς ἐκπλεῦσαι : [2] οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦν τοῦ πλοῦ οὐκ ἐξῃρέθησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὀχλώδους τῆς παρασκευῆς, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὥρμηντο, καὶ τοὐναντίον περιέστη αὐτῷ: εὖ τε γὰρ παραινέσαι ἔδοξε καὶ ἀσφάλεια νῦν δὴ καὶ πολλὴ ἔσεσθαι. [3] καὶ ἔρως ἐνέπεσε τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμοίως ἐκπλεῦσαι: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ πρεσβυτέροις ὡς καταστρεψομένοις ἐφ᾽ ἔπλεον οὐδὲν ἂν σφαλεῖσαν μεγάλην δύναμιν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τῆς τε ἀπούσης πόθῳ ὄψεως καὶ θεωρίας, καὶ εὐέλπιδες ὄντες σωθήσεσθαι: δὲ πολὺς ὅμιλος καὶ στρατιώτης ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι ἀργύριον οἴσειν καὶ προσκτήσεσθαι δύναμιν ὅθεν ἀίδιον μισθοφορὰν ὑπάρξειν. [4] ὥστε διὰ τὴν ἄγαν τῶν πλεόνων ἐπιθυμίαν, εἴ τῳ ἄρα καὶ μὴ ἤρεσκε, δεδιὼς μὴ ἀντιχειροτονῶν κακόνους δόξειεν εἶναι τῇ πόλει ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν.

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24.
So much did Nicias say, thinking that he would either dissuade the Athenians by the size of the preparations or, if he were compelled to make the expedition, that he would thus sail out particularly safely. [2] But they were not set free from their eagerness for the expedition by the troublesomeness of the preparation, but were much more eager. And the reverse to this happened; for he seemed [to them] to have advised [them] well and [they thought that] now indeed there would also be much safety. [3] And desire fell on all alike to sail out: on the older men since [they thought that] either they would subdue those places against which they were sailing or that a great force would not fail in any way, on those in the prime of life both because of their longing for far away sights and spectacles, and because they were sanguine about being safe; and most of the mob and soldiery [thought that] they would both gain money in the present and obtain a power from which everlasting pay would come into being. [4] Consequently, on account of this excessive desire for more, even if someone did not find it pleasing, he kept his peace in fear lest, by voting against it, he should seem ill-disposed to the state.

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And at last one of the Athenians, coming forward and exhorting Nicias, said that he should not make excuses nor delay, but in front of all now say what armament the Athenians should vote to him. [2] And he unwillingly said that he would rather deliberate at leisure with his fellow-commanders, but with regards to how much already seemed good to him, they must sail with no fewer than 100 triremes (and that there should be troop-ships from the Athenians themselves, as many as they should think good, and others should be sent for from the allies), and with no fewer than 5000 hoplites in all from the Athenians and the allies, and if they were at all able, even more; as for the rest of the armament, [that it should be] in proportion, both of archers from there and from Crete, and of slingers, and [he said] that, if anything else seemed to be fitting, they should make it ready and take it.

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After listening, the Athenians voted immediately that the generals, with full powers, should manage things both concerning the size of the army and concerning the whole voyage in whatever way seemed to be best to them [for the Athenians]. [2] And after this the preparation took place, and they sent to their allies and made registers of the citizens from there, and the city had recently recovered itself from the plague and the continuous war with respect both to the number which had been born of those of military age and to the collection of money on account of the truce, with the result that everything was furnished more easily.

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And they were in [a state of] preparation, but in the meantime most of all the stone Herms there were in the city of the Athenians (and these square art-works are, according to the native custom, common, both in private porches and in temples), in one night were mutilated on their faces. [2] And no one knew the perpetrators, but these men were sought publicly with great rewards, and besides this they [the Athenians] voted that, even if someone knew that some other sacrilege had occurred, whoever wished from the citizens and foreigners and slaves should inform [about this] with impunity. [3] And they took the matter more seriously; for it seemed to be an omen of the voyage and to have been based on a conspiracy at the same time for revolution and the overthrow of the democracy.

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Therefore some metics and attendants laid no information about the Herms, but about some mutilations of other statues previously by young men which had happened in drunken sport, and how at the same time the Mysteries had been performed in houses in wanton mockery; of which things they also accused Alcibiades. [2] And those who were especially resentful towards Alcibiades since he was preventing them from themselves securely leading the people, and who thought that, if they drove him out, they would come to the fore, taking these [charges] up, exaggerated them and kept on shouting that both the Mysteries and the mutilation of the Herms had happened for the destruction of the democracy and that none of these things had been done without that man , citing as evidence his other undemocratic transgressions in his personal habits.

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δ᾽ ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι πρὸς τὰ μηνύματα ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ ἑτοῖμος ἦν πρὶν ἐκπλεῖν κρίνεσθαι, εἴ τι τούτων εἰργασμένος ἦν ( ἤδη γὰρ καὶ τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς ἐπεπόριστο ), καὶ εἰ μὲν τούτων τι εἴργαστο, δίκην δοῦναι, εἰ δ᾽ ἀπολυθείη, ἄρχειν. [2] καὶ ἐπεμαρτύρετο μὴ ἀπόντος πέρι αὐτοῦ διαβολὰς ἀποδέχεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη ἀποκτείνειν, εἰ ἀδικεῖ, καὶ ὅτι σωφρονέστερον εἴη μὴ μετὰ τοιαύτης αἰτίας, πρὶν διαγνῶσι, πέμπειν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ στρατεύματι. [3] οἱ δ᾽ ἐχθροὶ δεδιότες τό τε στράτευμα μὴ εὔνουν ἔχῃ, ἢν ἤδη ἀγωνίζηται, τε δῆμος μὴ μαλακίζηται θεραπεύων ὅτι δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἵ τ᾽ Ἀργεῖοι ξυνεστράτευον καὶ τῶν Μαντινέων τινές, ἀπέτρεπον καὶ ἀπέσπευδον, ἄλλους ῥήτορας ἐνιέντες οἳ ἔλεγον νῦν μὲν πλεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ μὴ κατασχεῖν τὴν ἀναγωγήν, ἐλθόντα δὲ κρίνεσθαι ἐν ἡμέραις ῥηταῖς, βουλόμενοι ἐκ μείζονος διαβολῆς, ἣν ἔμελλον ῥᾷον αὐτοῦ ἀπόντος ποριεῖν, μετάπεμπτον κομισθέντα αὐτὸν ἀγωνίσασθαι. καὶ ἔδοξε πλεῖν τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην.

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He defended himself in the present against the accusations and was ready to stand trial before setting sail as to whether he had done any of these things (for the business of the preparation had already been completed), and if he had done any of these things, to pay the penalty, but if he was acquitted, to retain his command. [2] And he protested against [them] hearing slanders about him while he was away, but [adjured them] to kill [him] now if he had acted unjustly, and [said] that it would be more prudent not to send him out on so great an expedition under such an accusation before they should have decided it. [3] But his enemies, fearing that he would have the army well-disposed [to him], if he should stand trial then, and that the people would be appeased, favouring [him] because the Argives were marching alongside them on account of that man, as well as some of the Mantineans, demurred and were zealous in preventing [the trial], employing other speakers who said that he should sail now and not hold up the departure, but having come back he should be put on trial on some appointed days, since they wished that he should be summoned as the result of a more serious slander (which they would provide more easily in his absence), brought back, and stand trial. And it was decided that Alcibiades should sail.

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After this, when it was already the middle of summer, the departure to Sicily took place. And so it had been previously commanded to most of the allies and the corn-carrying transports and the boats and as much of the rest of the force was accompanying them to gather at Corcyra so that from there they should cross the Ionian Sea altogether to the Cape of Iapygia. The Athenians themselves and if any of the allies were present [in Athens], having gone down to the Piraeus on a fixed day at dawn, manned the boats so as to put to sea. [2] And, so to speak, all the rest of the crowd which was in the city both of citizens and foreigners went down together with them, each of the inhabitants sending forth his own people, some their companions, some their kin, some their sons, travelling with hope and lamentation at the same time, [with hope] that they would obtain something, [with lamentation] in case they should [n]ever see them [again], as they considered on how great a voyage from their homeland they were being sent.

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καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ, ὡς ἤδη ἔμελλον μετὰ κινδύνων ἀλλήλους ἀπολιπεῖν, μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐσῄει τὰ δεινὰ ὅτε ἐψηφίζοντο πλεῖν: ὅμως δὲ τῇ παρούσῃ ῥώμῃ, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑκάστων ὧν ἑώρων, τῇ ὄψει ἀνεθάρσουν. οἱ δὲ ξένοι καὶ ἄλλος ὄχλος κατὰ θέαν ἧκεν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀξιόχρεων καὶ ἄπιστον διάνοιαν. παρασκευὴ γὰρ αὕτη πρώτη ἐκπλεύσασα μιᾶς πόλεως δυνάμει Ἑλληνικῇ πολυτελεστάτη δὴ καὶ εὐπρεπεστάτη τῶν ἐς ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐγένετο. [2] ἀριθμῷ δὲ νεῶν καὶ ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον μετὰ Περικλέους καὶ αὐτὴ ἐς Ποτείδαιαν μετὰ Ἅγνωνος οὐκ ἐλάσσων ἦν: τετράκις γὰρ χίλιοι ὁπλῖται αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τριακόσιοι ἱππῆς καὶ τριήρεις ἑκατόν, καὶ Λεσβίων καὶ Χίων πεντήκοντα, καὶ ξύμμαχοι ἔτι πολλοὶ ξυνέπλευσαν. [3] ἀλλὰ ἐπί τε βραχεῖ πλῷ ὡρμήθησαν καὶ παρασκευῇ φαύλῃ, οὗτος δὲ στόλος ὡς χρόνιός τε ἐσόμενος καὶ κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα, οὗ ἂν δέῃ, καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐξαρτυθείς, τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν μεγάλαις δαπάναις τῶν τε τριηράρχων καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκπονηθέν, τοῦ μὲν δημοσίου δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας τῷ ναύτῃ ἑκάστῳ διδόντος καὶ ναῦς παρασχόντος κενὰς ἑξήκοντα μὲν ταχείας, τεσσαράκοντα δὲ ὁπλιταγωγοὺς καὶ ὑπηρεσίας ταύταις τὰς κρατίστας, τῶν <δὲ> τριηράρχων ἐπιφοράς τε πρὸς τῷ ἐκ δημοσίου μισθῷ διδόντων τοῖς θρανίταις τῶν ναυτῶν καὶ ταῖς ὑπηρεσίαις καὶ τἆλλα σημείοις καὶ κατασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι χρησαμένων,καὶ ἐς τὰ μακρότατα προθυμηθέντος ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ὅπως αὐτῷ τινὶ εὐπρεπείᾳ τε ναῦς μάλιστα προέξει καὶ τῷ ταχυναυτεῖν, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν καταλόγοις τε χρηστοῖς ἐκκριθὲν καὶ ὅπλων καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα σκευῶν μεγάλῃ σπουδῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἁμιλληθέν. [4] ξυνέβη δὲ πρός τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἅμα ἔριν γενέσθαι, τις ἕκαστος προσετάχθη, καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐπίδειξιν μᾶλλον εἰκασθῆναι τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ πολεμίους παρασκευήν. [5] εἰ γάρ τις ἐλογίσατο τήν τε τῆς πόλεως ἀνάλωσιν δημοσίαν καὶ τῶν στρατευομένων τὴν ἰδίαν, τῆς μὲν πόλεως ὅσα τε ἤδη προετετελέκει καὶ ἔχοντας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀπέστελλε, τῶν δὲ ἰδιωτῶν τε περὶ τὸ σῶμά τις καὶ τριήραρχος ἐς τὴν ναῦν ἀνηλώκει καὶ ὅσα ἔτι ἔμελλεν ἀναλώσειν, χωρὶς δ᾽ εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ ἄνευ τοῦ ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου μισθοῦ πάντα τινὰ παρασκευάσασθαι ἐφόδιον ὡς ἐπὶ χρόνιον στρατείαν, καὶ ὅσα ἐπὶ μεταβολῇ τις στρατιώτης ἔμπορος ἔχων ἔπλει, πολλὰ ἂν τάλαντα ηὑρέθη ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὰ πάντα ἐξαγόμενα. [6] καὶ στόλος οὐχ ἧσσον τόλμης τε θάμβει καὶ ὄψεως λαμπρότητι περιβόητος ἐγένετο στρατιᾶς πρὸς οὓς ἐπῇσαν ὑπερβολῇ, καὶ ὅτι μέγιστος ἤδη διάπλους ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας καὶ ἐπὶ μεγίστῃ ἐλπίδι τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἐπεχειρήθη.

PerseusParallel

31.
And in the present moment, when they were now about to leave each other among dangers, the terrors came more into their minds than when they were voting to sail; nevertheless given the present strength, on account of the size of each of the things which they saw, they were cheered by the sight. The foreigners and the rest of the crowd came for the sight, as for a worthy and incredible intention. For this armament, the first which sailed out from one city with a Hellenic force, was indeed the most lavish and most fine-looking of those up to that time. [2] In the number of ships and hoplites both the one to Epidauros with Pericles and the same one to Potidaea with Hagnon were no smaller; for [that had] 4000 hoplites and 300 cavalrymen and 100 triremes of the Athenians themselves, and 50 of the Lesbians and Chians, and many allies more sailed with them. [3] But they had set out on a short voyage and with an ordinary armament, but this expedition [set out], as if [the voyage] was going to be lengthy and was fitted out at the same time in both respects, for whatever should be needed, both in ships and in infantry. The fleet had been equipped at great expense on the part of the trierarchs and the city, with the state giving a drachma a day to each sailor and providing 60 empty fast ships, and 40 troop-carriers and the best crews for these, and the trierarchs giving extra pay in addition to the wages from the state to the thranites among the sailors and to the crews, and with respect to other things furnishing expensive figure-heads and fittings, and each one exerting himself to the utmost that, for each man himself, his ship should excel both in good appearance and in quick-sailing. And the infantry was picked out from the best lists for service and competed against each other in their great attention to their weapons and the equipment on their bodies. [4] And it happened that rivalry occurred among themselves, in whatever place each man had been assigned, and [it happened] that it resembled a display of power and resources to the other Greeks than an armament against an enemy. [5] For if someone had calculated the public expenditure of the city and the private one of those campaigning – of the city both how much had already been spent beforehand and what it was sending out with the generals, and of the private individuals what each man had spent on his outfitting and what each trierarch had spent on his ship, and how much he was still going to spend, and besides what it was likely for all the men, even without the pay from the state, to have provided himself with as travelling money, as [going on] a lengthy expedition, and how much someone, either a soldier or a trader, would sail with for barter – many talents in all would have been found being taken out from the city. [6] And the expedition was no less famous for the wonder of its boldness and the splendour of its appearance than for the superiority of its army by comparison [to those against] whom it was setting out, and because a very great expedition was then attempted far from its homeland and with the greatest hope of the future by comparison to the existing state of affairs.

32

Greek

32.
ἐπειδὴ δὲ αἱ νῆες πλήρεις ἦσαν καὶ ἐσέκειτο πάντα ἤδη ὅσα ἔχοντες ἔμελλον ἀνάξεσθαι, τῇ μὲν σάλπιγγι σιωπὴ ὑπεσημάνθη, εὐχὰς δὲ τὰς νομιζομένας πρὸ τῆς ἀναγωγῆς οὐ κατὰ ναῦν ἑκάστην, ξύμπαντες δὲ ὑπὸ κήρυκος ἐποιοῦντο, κρατῆράς τε κεράσαντες παρἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα καὶ ἐκπώμασι χρυσοῖς τε καὶ ἀργυροῖς οἵ τε ἐπιβάται καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες σπένδοντες. [2] ξυνεπηύχοντο δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἐκ τῆς γῆς τῶν τε πολιτῶν καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος εὔνους παρῆν σφίσιν. παιανίσαντες δὲ καὶ τελεώσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἀνήγοντο, καὶ ἐπὶ κέρως τὸ πρῶτον ἐκπλεύσαντες ἅμιλλαν ἤδη μέχρι Αἰγίνης ἐποιοῦντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν, ἔνθαπερ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα τῶν ξυμμάχων ξυνελέγετο, ἠπείγοντο ἀφικέσθαι. [3] ἐς δὲ τὰς Συρακούσας ἠγγέλλετο μὲν πολλαχόθεν τὰ περὶ τοῦ ἐπίπλου, οὐ μέντοι ἐπιστεύετο ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γενομένης ἐκκλησίας ἐλέχθησαν τοιοίδε λόγοι ἀπό τε ἄλλων, τῶν μὲν πιστευόντων τὰ περὶ τῆς στρατείας τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων, τῶν δὲ τὰ ἐναντία λεγόντων, καὶ Ἑρμοκράτης Ἕρμωνος παρελθὼν αὐτοῖς, ὡς σαφῶς οἰόμενος εἰδέναι τὰ περὶ αὐτῶν, ἔλεγε καὶ παρῄνει τοιάδε.

PerseusParallel

32.
When the ships were full and all had already been put on board that they were going to set sail with, silence was signalled with a trumpet, and they made the prayers customary before setting sail, not on each ship, but altogether following a herald’s lead, both the marines and generals having mixed bowls of wine throughout the whole army in gold and silver drinking-cups and pouring libations. [2] And there joined in the prayers both the rest of the crowd of the citizens on the land and whoever else well-disposed to them was present. Having chanted the paean and completed the libations, they set sail, and having sailed out at first in a column, they now held a competition as far as Aigina. And they hastened to arrive at Corcyra, where the rest of the army of the allies was gathered. [3] But at Syracuse the facts of the expedition were reported from many quarters, but nothing was believed for a long time, but when an assembly had been called, such speeches were said by others, some believing the facts about the Athenian expedition, some saying the opposite, and Hermocrates the son of Hermon came before them, as one who thought he knew clearly the facts about them, and spoke and advised them as follows.